Dan Dunham, Research Analyst, Security & Intelligence Policy Lab
ddunham@africacfsp.org

Given the threat from COVID-19, some African leaders have reacted to the pandemic by relying heavily on the tools of military and security infrastructure that are commonly perceived as most reliable when dealing with destabilizing threats to their national wellbeing. Unfortunately, this approach not only alienates the civilian population and further exacerbates the politicization of African militaries, but it also risks worsening the spread of the virus.

The worldwide COVID-19 pandemic poses an unprecedented challenge to governments across the globe. Nations face rising cases of infection while contending with the challenge of implementing lockdown procedures that prevent overwhelming health care systems while protecting civil liberties. This conundrum is particularly difficult in Sub-Saharan Africa, where many nations possess a limited healthcare infrastructure, basic logistics capacity, and ingrained patterns of government corruption. Like any crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic presents a temptation in that it offers leaders an excuse to implement stricter controls, centralize power, reform electoral processes in their favor, and utilize the military as a method of first response. The indulgence of this temptation, particularly for a developing country, can have a devastating impact.

A militarized, authoritarian response to the COVID-19 pandemic offers the worst possible solution to the challenges facing African nations. Such a course of action risks the erosion of democratic values and systems while also compromising the military’s ability to act as a nonpolitical element of national security, rather than as a frontline tool for population pacification and public health response. Relying too heavily on state security forces, including police forces and gendarmes, risks further exacerbating the divide that commonly exists between the population and their security forces in far too many African nations. This poses an added risk at a time when such a relationship may be critical to the provision of treatments and supplies. Instead, African leaders should build on the continent’s rich history of leadership in past public health crises, such as the responses to AIDS, malaria, and Ebola, and avoid heavy reliance on the military and security forces to act as the primary agents for pandemic responses.

While Africa was initially seen as being less impacted earlier in the pandemic, the situation continues to evolve and present new challenges. The virus has made inroads across the continent, spreading through both the densely urbanized environments of rapidly growing African cities, as well as the more rural villages and settlements of the countryside. Many measures that have been proven to be effective in combatting the pandemic such as social distancing, frequent handwashing, and self-isolation are difficult to implement in many African communities, particularly outside the upper and middle classes.¹Akpabio, Akpabio, and Utibe Effiong . “The Special Challenge of Fighting COVID-19 in Africa,” May 25, 2020. https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/observations/the-special-challenge-of-fighting-covid-19-in-africa/. Unfortunately, many African nations first turned to their military and security forces to prevent further spread of the virus.²Wires, News. “Security Forces Use Violent Tactics to Enforce Africa’s Coronavirus Shutdowns.” France 24. France 24, April 1, 2020. https://www.france24.com/en/20200401-security-forces-use-violent-tactics-to-enforce-africa-s-coronavirus-shutdowns. In Uganda, the government imposed highly restrictive regulations on public transportation, shuttering markets, bars, restaurants, and public court hearings. Further limitations announced by President Yoweri Museveni included bans on the use of privately owned vehicles, a curfew, mall closures, and shopping store closures. These measures are enforced by the army, police, and Local Defense Units (LDU), an armed community policing organization.³“Uganda: Respect Rights in COVID-19 Response.” Human Rights Watch, April 2, 2020. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/04/02/uganda-respect-rights-covid-19-response. Numerous instances of beatings, forcible detentions, due process denials, and other incidents of violence have been reported. For example, on April 10, police officers were charged with “aggravated torture” for allegedly forcing dozens of women to rub mud on their genitals as punishment in response to curfew violations.⁴AFP – Agence France Presse. “10 Ugandan Police Held For ‘Torturing’ Women Over Breaking Curfew.” Barron’s. Barrons, April 7, 2020. https://www.barrons.com/news/10-ugandan-police-held-for-torturing-women-over-breaking-curfew-01586285103. Similar situations have occurred elsewhere. In Kenya, police forces enforced lockdown measures that include travel restrictions and a dusk-to-dawn curfew.⁵Al Jazeera. “COVID-19: Kenya Bans Travel in and out of Nairobi, Other Areas.” Kenya | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, April 6, 2020. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/04/covid-19-kenya-bans-travel-nairobi-areas-200406163601579.html. As police forces work aggressively to implement the measures announced by President Uhuru Kenyatta, defining tactics of their enforcement often result in incidents of violence and repression, including reported beatings and killings. Concerning Kenya’s struggle against coronavirus, President Kenyatta declared, “We are at war and we must win.”⁶Al Jazeera. “COVID-19: Kenya Bans Travel in and out of Nairobi, Other Areas.” Kenya | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, April 6, 2020. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/04/covid-19-kenya-bans-travel-nairobi-areas-200406163601579.html. On the fourth night of Kenya’s coronavirus curfew, 13-year old Yassin Hussein Moyo was tragically shot and killed by police forces while he observed curfew enforcement from his balcony – police were reportedly employing batons and beatings when a stray bullet fired by an officer struck Moyo in the stomach. ⁷https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/13-year-shot-dead-kenyan-police-enforcing-curfew-69895736

Similarly, Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission reported that from April 14th to May 4^th, 104 human rights complaints were monitored and received from 27 of Nigeria’s 36 states. Further, the Human Rights Commission reported 11 incidents of extrajudicial killings conducted by the Nigeria Police Force, Nigeria Security and Civil Defense Corps, and the COVID-19 Task Force. In a statement dated April 15, the Commission documented eight additional incidents of extrajudicial killings, leading to 18 deaths in the period between March 30 and April 13.⁸Nigerian National Human Rights Commission. 2020. “Report of Alleged Human Rights Violations Recorded Between 13th April to 4th May, 2020 Following the Extension Period of the Lockdown by Government,” Abuja. https://www.nigeriarights.gov.ng/files/publications/SECOND%20EXECUTIVE%20SUMMARY%20OF%20COVID-19%20VIOLATIONS.pdf During a televised address to the nation on the coronavirus crisis, President Muhammadu Buhari discussed the role of the police and military forces in enforcing lockdown measures, stating,

The security agencies have risen to the challenges posed by this situation with gallantry and I commend them. I urge them to continue to maintain utmost vigilance, firmness as well as restraint in enforcing the restrictions’ orders, while not neglecting statutory security responsibilities.⁹“Coronavirus: Security Forces Kill More Nigerians than Covid-19.” BBC News. BBC, April 16, 2020. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-52317196.

Finally, in Zimbabwe, President Mnangagwa, whose rule follows 37 years of singlehanded reign by Robert Mugabe, has leaned heavily on a COVID-19 taskforce comprised of many senior military officials involved in the 2017 coup that brought him to power.¹⁰Noko, Karsten. “The Problem with Army Enforced Lockdowns in the Time of COVID-19.” Asia | Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera, April 2, 2020. https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/problem-army-enforced-lockdowns-time-covid-19-200401101641258.html. Widespread reports of brutal repression and political retribution have emerged since lockdown measures were instituted. The most egregious incident occurred in May when three women of the opposition group Movement for Democratic Change, were missing for two days before being found injured on the side of the road. The women described their abduction, beating and sexual assault following their protest against the government’s COVID-19 measures.¹¹Burke, Jason, and Nyasha Chingono. “Zimbabwean MDC Activists ‘Abducted and Sexually Assaulted’.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, May 17, 2020. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/may/17/zimbabwean-mdc-activists-abducted-and-sexually-assaulted. More recently in July and August, more extensive and repressive lockdown rules were instituted by the government to prevent widespread anti-corruption demonstrations from taking place. Describing such public demonstrations as “an insurrection to overthrow our democratically elected government,” President Mnangagwa’s response measures included the reported torturing and abducting of activists, and assaults on demonstrators with water cannons and batons.¹²“Police, Protesters Clash in Zimbabwe Capital after Ban on Demonstration.” France 24. France 24, August 16, 2019. https://www.france24.com/en/20190816-zimbabwe-opposition-mdc-protests-mnangagwa-ban-demonstration.¹³Mutsaka, Farai. “Scores of Zimbabwe Protesters Arrested, Military in Streets.” The Washington Post. WP Company, July 31, 2020. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/empty-streets-in-zimbabwe-as-security-forces-thwart-protest/2020/07/31/cda13416-d309-11ea-826b-cc394d824e35_story.html.

These are not isolated incidents, and they point to a longstanding problem of African nations defaulting to military, security, and police forces as the first tool for dealing with instances of national emergency. For decades, these military and police forces were among the more effective levers of governmental power among a network of often corrupt and insolvent government bureaus, agencies, and ministries. Given the ineffectiveness with which other elements of the civilian sector are often viewed, Africa has a long history of security forces arbitrating power and implementing policy. These forces emerge as kingmakers in domestic politics, bestowing authority on officials who wield them. The unfortunate result of this situation is that the public no longer regards military police and security forces as acting in the citizens’ best interest. Instead, when applied to political goals, security forces become an extension of the politician rather than an apolitical tool of the state, leading to a sharp decline in trust by the populations they intend to protect.

A number of current security crises demonstrate how this flawed employment of security forces can perpetuate distrust – the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon, the Cabo Delgado insurgency in Mozambique, and the fight against Islamic extremism in the Lake Chad Basin are just a few of the many examples. The use of security forces to enact repression is particularly damaging during a public health crisis such as the current pandemic. These nations are uniquely vulnerable, both to the impacts of the virus and to the inadvertent damage caused by lockdown measures. With poor health infrastructure and limited testing and treatment capability (ten African nations have no ventilators, and many more are suffering a severe shortage of basic medical supplies needed to treat COVID-19 patients),¹⁴Maclean, Ruth, and Simon Marks. “10 African Countries Have No Ventilators. That’s Only Part of the Problem.” The New York Times, April 18, 2020. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/18/world/africa/africa-coronavirus-ventilators.html. the civilian populations in these nations already have a higher chance of facing severe medical complications from the infection. Compounding the problem is the fact that African economies, as a whole, are far more reliant on an informal market system and linkages based on local trade between towns and villages conducted outside the scope of more organized commerce. As a result, lockdown measures disproportionately impact the communities in these nations, where immobility and curfews, coupled with the closure of markets and lack of public transportation mean many are unable to obtain basic food, goods, and services. Amidst the backdrop of such acute stress and uncertainty, governing institutions should be a source of reassurance. However, the violent enforcement of lockdown laws has instead forced the civilian population to view these security forces as harmful rather than helpful. This, in turn, hampers the effectiveness of the same military and security forces when they are used for legitimate purposes, such as for counterinsurgency and counter-terrorism efforts which are contingent on the cooperation of the local population.

The reliance on a militarized pandemic response not only harms public trust and perception, but it also has a corrosive effect on the military and police forces used to carry them out. Since the end of the colonial era, African militaries have struggled with both corruption and the politicization of their ranks. Using security actors not only to implement aggressive lockdown measures but also to harass opposition members and centralize power around incumbents reaffirms their role as a political tool rather than as a nonpartisan arm of national security. At an unprecedented time of national crisis, military forces are uniquely vulnerable to such politicization and this is a strong reason why their use should be limited in such instances.

Beyond the question of trust and corruption, however, is the issue of effectiveness. Put simply, the military and police are insufficient tools for combatting the virus. For evidence of this, we need to look no further than the recent effort to combat outbreaks of other deadly diseases, such as the Ebola epidemic. Though many African nations lack the medical infrastructure of more developed parts of the world, one of the unique strengths that Africa possesses in the fight against COVID-19 is a long history of being at the leading edge of counter-epidemic efforts. In a post-outbreak analysis of the spread of Ebola in several African nations, notably in Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, the United States Centers for Disease Control found that close coordination with national ministries of health, along with the tracking of infection transmission and quarantine of affected patients was central to the successful efforts to combat the disease.¹⁵Bell BP, Damon IK, Jernigan DB, et al. “Overview, Control Strategies, and Lessons Learned in the CDC Response to the 2014–2016 Ebola Epidemic.” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, July 17, 2017. https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/65/su/su6503a2.htm. Dedicated fieldwork and effective communication were also central to the effort, all of which are areas far better suited for the health ministry rather than the military and security apparatuses of African nations. One of the central findings of this CDC analysis of Ebola outbreaks in West Africa from the period of 2014-2016 was that the spread of disease in one nation poses an immediate danger to neighboring countries given the porous nature of African borders and the high degree of migration and travel for work and commerce. This articulates the need for effective response measures to contain the spread instead of heavy-handed military crackdowns and security responses that have proven ineffective in the past.

Malaria provides another instructive example of past public health initiatives that can be applied to the current COVID-19 response in Africa and further reiterates the need for a cooperative civilian-led response among African nations. In a cumulative report analyzing the effectiveness of counter-malaria efforts in Africa, it was found that political instability and conflict severely hamper efforts to limit the spread of the disease, while the “success of such efforts depends on sustained community support and participation.”¹⁶Anders, Katherine L., and Simon I. Hay. “Lessons from Malaria Control to Help Meet the Rising Challenge of Dengue.” The Lancet. Infectious Diseases. Elsevier Science, The Lancet Pub. Group, December 2012. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3574272/. This dichotomy underscores the difference in effectiveness between civilian institutions that are structurally aligned to be more responsive to the general population, and military and security apparatuses that have little incentive to respond to anything other than government directives. Given the stakeholders for both institutions and the general problem of mistrust in the military and the police that exists in many African states, it has become clear that leaders are more likely to see success in their counter-COVID-19 efforts if they rely on civil institutions to be leaders in the response effort. Since contact tracing and vector tracking is massively dependent on the participation and cooperation of the general population, sowing fear and mistrust through heavy-handed lockdowns and coercive security measures will ultimately prove tragically counter-productive.

COVID-19 is a global challenge, the likes of which we have not seen in a century. Across the world, countries are struggling to adapt and working rapidly to mitigate the impacts of the pandemic. Africa, despite its incredibly diverse geography and people, shares a common challenge in that its less developed medical infrastructure and highly interconnected local economic community ties make it more prone to transmission. Given this threat, some African leaders have reacted to the pandemic by relying heavily on the tools of military and security infrastructure that are often perceived as being the most reliable when dealing with destabilizing threats to their national wellbeing. Unfortunately, this approach not only alienates the civilian population and further exacerbates the politicization of African militaries, but it also risks worsening the spread of the virus. Instead, African nations should look to their leadership history in the global fight against public health crises, and build on an area where Africa leads the world in its frontline experience with countering epidemiological threats. At a time when economic uncertainty and fear are common themes among afflicted nations, African leaders have an opportunity to rise to the occasion and show the world that Africa can be a leader in the global struggle against COVID-19.